SKU: 82194409772

Extreme Repair & Protect Set - 2x250ml

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Description

Extreme Repair & Protect Set - 2x250mlHeb je last van haar dat breekt bij het kammen, droog aanvoelt na het blonderen of gewoon niet meer meedoet? De Redken Extreme Repair & Protect Set is precies wat je dan nodig hebt. Deze set combineert twee producten die samenwerken om beschadigd haar stap voor stap te herstellen. Je krijgt er direct mee aan de slag en merkt het verschil al na een paar keer gebruiken. Wat zijn de belangrijkste kenmerken van de Redken Extreme Repair & Protect Set? De

Heb je last van haar dat breekt bij het kammen, droog aanvoelt na het blonderen of gewoon niet meer meedoet? De Redken Extreme Repair & Protect Set is precies wat je dan nodig hebt. Deze set combineert twee producten die samenwerken om beschadigd haar stap voor stap te herstellen. Je krijgt er direct mee aan de slag en merkt het verschil al na een paar keer gebruiken.

Wat zijn de belangrijkste kenmerken van de Redken Extreme Repair & Protect Set?

De set is speciaal samengesteld voor haar dat te veel heeft meegemaakt: denk aan blonderen, verven, föhnen of stijltangen. Beide producten uit de Beschadigd Haar collectie vullen elkaar perfect aan.

  • Bevat twee producten van elk 250 ml
  • Extreme Strength Builder Plus Mask versterkt je haar van binnenuit
  • Extreme Anti-Snap Leave-In beschermt tegen breuk bij het kammen
  • Haar voelt zachter aan en is makkelijker te kammen
  • Anti-Snap biedt ook bescherming tegen hitte van föhn en stylingtools
  • Masker werkt het best bij normaal tot dik, poreus haar
  • Leave-in is sulfaatvrij en geschikt voor alle haartypes met schade
  • Beide producten zijn uit de Redken Extreme-lijn voor herstel en versteviging

Zo gebruik je de Redken Extreme Repair & Protect Set

  1. Was je haar met je gebruikelijke shampoo en knijp het licht uit.
  2. Werk een flinke klodder Extreme Strength Builder Plus Mask door je natte haar, masseer goed in en laat het 3 tot 5 minuten intrekken.
  3. Spoel het masker daarna grondig uit met lauwwarm water.
  4. Dep je haar droog met een handdoek en spuit of werk de Extreme Anti-Snap Leave-In Treatment door je haar. Niet uitspoelen.
  5. Föhn of style je haar zoals je gewend bent.

Gebruik het masker één tot twee keer per week voor het beste resultaat. De leave-in kun je elke wasbeurt gebruiken. Wil je je routine uitbreiden met een conditioner die ook de haarstructuur versterkt? De Acidic Bonding Concentrate Conditioner is een goede aanvulling, want die werkt op dezelfde manier: het herstelt de balans in je haar en maakt het sterker na elke wasbeurt.

Waarom werkt deze Redken Repair & Protect Set zo goed?

Je haar wordt sterker, breekt minder snel en voelt merkbaar zachter aan. Dat komt doordat het masker proteïne diep in de haarschacht brengt. Proteïne vult de plekken op waar je haar structuur heeft verloren, bijvoorbeeld door blonderen of hitte. De leave-in werkt aanvullend: die legt een beschermende laag aan die wrijving vermindert bij het kammen en stylen.

Arginine, een van de werkzame stoffen in beide producten, helpt de haarvezel van binnenuit te herstellen. Je haar ziet er gezonder uit en voelt veerkrachtiger aan. Voor wie regelmatig te maken heeft met beschadigd haar, is dit een slimme combinatie die dagelijks het verschil maakt.

Is de Redken Extreme Repair & Protect Set geschikt voor geblondeerd haar?

Ja, de set is bij uitstek geschikt voor geblondeerd haar. Geblondeerd haar verliest snel proteïne en breekt daardoor makkelijker. Beide producten in de Redken Extreme Repair & Protect Set zijn precies ontwikkeld voor dat soort schade.

De Extreme Strength Builder Plus Mask vult het proteïneverlies aan, waardoor je haar sterker aanvoelt. De Anti-Snap Leave-In beschermt daarna tegen verdere breuk bij het kammen en föhnen. Mensen met geblondeerd haar merken na een paar weken dat hun haar minder snel breekt en beter te kammen is. Heb je fijn haar dat niet beschadigd is? Dan kan de set wat zwaar aanvoelen bij te frequent gebruik.

Hoe vaak moet je het masker gebruiken bij sterk beschadigd haar?

Gebruik het masker één tot twee keer per week. Bij sterk beschadigd haar, zoals haar dat meerdere keren is geblondeerd of geverfd, kun je beginnen met twee keer per week. Zodra je haar sterker aanvoelt, kun je terugschakelen naar één keer per week. Gebruik je het masker te vaak bij haar dat weinig schade heeft, dan kan het stroef of droog gaan aanvoelen.

Kun je het masker en de leave-in samen gebruiken in één routine?

Absoluut, ze zijn gemaakt om samen te werken. Het masker gebruik je tijdens het wassen, de leave-in daarna in nat haar. Zo herstel je bij elke wasbeurt schade én bescherm je je haar de rest van de dag. De Redken Extreme Repair & Protect Set is als combinatie effectiever dan de producten los, omdat het masker herstelt en de leave-in beschermt.

Redken Extreme of Acidic Bonding: wat past bij jou?

De Redken Extreme Repair & Protect Set legt de nadruk op proteïne en versteviging. Dat werkt het best als je haar breekt, veel structuur heeft verloren of snel knapt bij het kammen. Geblondeerd, geverfd of door hitte gestrest haar reageert hier goed op.

Heb je haar dat vooral droog of pluizig is na een chemische behandeling, maar niet zo snel breekt? Dan is de Acidic Bonding Concentrate Intensive Treatment een betere keuze. Die lijn richt zich meer op pH-herstel en het terugbrengen van glans. Wil je beide aanpakken, dan is de Acidic Bonding Concentrate Duo het overwegen waard. Voor wie specifiek last heeft van breuk en gespleten punten door blonderen of intensief stylen, is de Redken Extreme Repair & Protect Set de meest directe oplossing.

Overige informatie

Fabrikant Contact:

RedKen
277, rue Saint Honore
75008 Paris
France
[email protected]

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4.7 ★★★★★
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Product Reviews
J
Verified Purchase
Joseph Somma
Fort Morgan, US
★★★★★ 5
Thorough history
Format: Hardcover
Levy provides a masterful history of American capitalism. His work is detailed and brilliantly written. You should buy this book for its last section: the age of chaos. Here Levy details the US economy since Reagan and identifies critical trends and questions we all need to address. This is not a book for a casual reader, each chapter is hard work. However, the rewards more than outweigh the effort.
WAS THIS REVIEW HELPFUL?YesReportShare
Reviewed in the United States on December 19, 2021
J
Verified Purchase
Joseph
Lowell, US
★★★★★ 5
An interesting look at capitalism in the US
Format: Hardcover
Seller: Product arrived on time in good condition. No issues with the seller at all! Book: This is a pretty dense history of the US through the lense of capitalism. There are quite a few editing errors (typos, incorrect quotation formatting, etc) that are speed bumps to the flow of this book but don’t ruin the reading experience. There are also a few moments where a subjective claim is made using a historical event as a backdrop, but the claim isn’t elaborated on as well as it could be. I chalk this up to the focus of the book being on history and not economics, but I do think if a claim is made it would be interesting to have more data as to why the claim was made.
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Reviewed in the United States on December 5, 2023
G
Verified Purchase
Gary Moreau, Author
Grantham, US
★★★★★ 4
Marx had the proletariat, Mao had the farmers, America has the owners of financial capital
Format: Kindle
What makes Jonathan Levy’s book so informative is that it is truly a parallel history of its politics and its economics. And only by viewing these two intertwined paths side by side can you truly understand the myth of the American free market. America’s politics and its economics have never, since the country’s founding, been separated. The state has been an integral part of everything economic to an extent that would make the most rabid socialist gasp in horror. The only difference is that while the Marxist state stood side by side with the proletariat, and Mao built the number two economy in the world on the support of farmers, America built its economic marvel on the backs of, and for the benefit of, the owners of financial capital. That’s not all bad, mind you. It takes workers, farmers, and the owners of capital to build a modern economy. The tension comes when there is a lack of balance between the importance the state attaches to each. And there can be little surprise that America’s politicians have put the owners of financial capital at the top of their list of priorities. Politicians, after all, can do nothing without power, and power comes via the electoral process, a process that is today fueled by obscene amounts of money. And who has all that money? The American economic narrative is a misleading tale of meritocracy and free markets. The Horatio Alger-based myth is that you are only limited by your skills and your ambition. And like most enduring myths there is a thread of truth to it. Many successful people truly deserve what they have achieved. But does anyone really possess $150 billion of personal merit? Can we statistically accept that the wealthiest nation in the world is also one of the most financially unequal without seeing a pattern of bias? Perhaps the most selectively quoted book in history is Adam Smith’s “Wealth of Nations”, published, strangely enough, in 1776. Often credited with being the father of capitalism, Smith argued that markets free of excessive regulation would be more efficient than markets that were overly regulated, although Smith “made no categorical separation between the political and the economic, or state and market.” Smith did, however, warn against the socially destructive power of monopolies, which unregulated markets will not protect against, and he correctly predicted that the excessive division of labor would lead to a degree of labor and wealth inequity that would destroy society. At the time when US Steel, General Electric, and General Motors, among many others, were the power behind America’s global economic hegemony, most Americans earned a living through wages. And those wages were made possible by long term fixed investments that created jobs. They were generally big bets that took a long time to earn a return but that aligned with the jobs-first priorities of most companies. (Employees first, communities second, shareholders a distant third.) And while not every employee enjoyed the same salary, the differences between the top earners and the average earners was a fraction of what it is today. That era, of course, is long over. The current economy is geared toward the creation of wealth through the short-term investment in assets that will appreciate rapidly and are highly liquid. At the moment that is the stock market and synthetic financial tools pedaled by hedge funds, banks, and the like. The problem is that the wage market encompassed much of America. The asset appreciation market encompasses only a tiny sliver of the richest among us. There is spillover, of course. The lawyers, analysts, consultants, bankers, and sales people who serve the asset appreciation market are doing quite well. But the man or woman who has less education and who might have made a decent living in a steel mill or car assembly plant, has lost out. And despite what the politicians will tell you, the gap is getting wider. (I spent a career in corporate industry, have a college degree in economics, have been a CEO, and have served on four public company boards. I know enough to know that Levy knows what he’s talking about.) The second important point to come out of all this is that economics is not really a “science” as most people think of that term. There is a shared jargon and there are commonly accepted principles. The very idea that there is an economy that is distinct from all other aspects of human existence, including the state, however, is a relatively recent concept. The weakness of the distinction, in fact, is clearly demonstrated by the remarkable reality of just how diverse the history of the American economy is. The sun doesn’t always rise in the east in the world of economics. In each of the economic eras Levy describes it is stunning how few people actually formulated the thinking that defined them. I will join some of the other reviewers in suggesting that the author could have spent more time explaining some of the jargon inevitably found in a treatise on economics. The layman obviously wasn’t his target audience but the book, I believe, could have read more smoothly and been much, much shorter. (The editor and publisher have to take some of the blame for this.) Even if you have to slog your way through the more tedious sections on global capital flows and such, however, you’ll get something from the book even if you’ve never set foot in an economics classroom. If you get no more than the fact that the free market is a myth and that most long term capital that actually creates jobs and income for the average American is actually provided by you, the taxpayer, not the Wall Street capitalist, you will better understand why there is so much division in our country right now. We don’t have a democratic economy. The young wonders of Silicon Valley would have nothing if it wasn’t for your tax dollars and your pension plan, if you’re still lucky enough to have one. We can do better. We have to. The economic inequity we have now is simply not sustainable.
WAS THIS REVIEW HELPFUL?YesReportShare
Reviewed in the United States on August 19, 2022
J
Verified Purchase
Jose Calderon
Houston, US
★★★★★ 5
Good value for the money.
Format: Hardcover
Book in excellent condition, delivered promptly.
WAS THIS REVIEW HELPFUL?YesReportShare
Reviewed in the United States on May 20, 2025
J
Verified Purchase
Jared Dean
Phoenix, US
★★★★★ 5
Great read.
Format: Paperback
Gives a great perspective of how technology has developed and shaped the economy.
WAS THIS REVIEW HELPFUL?YesReportShare
Reviewed in the United States on January 21, 2024

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